Department of Psychology, University of California, Berkeley

PSYCH 171: Psychological Research on Children of Immigrant Families, Qing Zhou, Ph.D.

July 2023

Introduction

The act of migrating is part of human nature; we have been doing so for generations since before becoming Homo sapiens sapiens. The immigrant experience has been a recurring topic of conversation in the United States since its dawn as a colonial nation. However, throughout American history, immigrant populations have been scapegoated and taken for granted more often than they’ve been appreciated. More recently, psychological research has taken an interest in immigration, the effects of the process on individuals and families, and how the U.S. government can best support those coming onto American soil. After a few decades of studying immigrant communities throughout the country, researchers have discovered two phenomena occurring within this large group: the immigrant paradox and the immigrant risk hypothesis, both of which affect immigrant children’s educational attainment and, therefore, professional outcome. However, current research suggests academic success may not be alone in predicting employment and indicates there may be factors within the labor market that impact immigrants’ advancement in the workplace. This is relevant information to the literature because school districts and policymakers could be required to introduce protective measures for immigrants and their children if sufficient data is obtained regarding social causes of professional failure/success. Whilst this is in immigrants’ best interests, of course, it is also in the best interest of the U.S. to ensure its high immigrant population is taken care of because they influence America’s future. After examining the causes of different benefits and hindrances present in immigrant children's academic attainment and subsequent professional outcomes, this paper investigates the labor market-specific factors impacting their entry and experience in the American workforce. 

Part I: Immigration Patterns Affecting Immigrant Children’s Educational Achievement 

Vast differences have been noticed among generation levels in immigrants, so it is critical to define each generation and understand how this marker affects their life outcomes. Recently arrived immigrants are categorized as first-generation for adolescents and adults and 1.5-generation for immigrant children under 12. Individuals born to those who made the journey to the United States are categorized as second-generation, their children as third-generation, and so on. Children of immigrants are defined as first-, 1.5-, and second- generation immigrant children, and according to the Migration Policy Institute, there are about 18 million of them in the U.S. (Ward & Batalova, 2023). This means one in four children is a child of at least one immigrant parent. With such high numbers of immigrant children in the educational system, it is crucial for there to be an understanding of their academic experience, how to best support them, and make sure they receive equal education and opportunities. Language barriers, racial/ethnic/ xenophobic discrimination, and acculturation-related stress are some of the many obstacles faced by the majority of immigrants, and the generational identity marker of individual immigrants was concluded to be a moderator for the outcomes related to these challenges. Some research states recently arrived immigrants have more favorable outcomes than their native-born descendants, while other research suggests the opposite.

Researchers identified a fascinating phenomenon occurring among recently arrived immigrants, which was coined the immigrant paradox. It suggests first- and 1.5-generation immigrants are more likely to experience patterns positively affecting life outcomes than their following generations. These discoveries suggest that as acculturation happens over generations, and maybe even within a singular individual, developmental and professional outcomes become less favorable (Marks et al., 2014, p. 59). The immigrant paradox claims incoming immigrants have motivational forces when migrating, generating high psychological strength and readiness to persevere. These positive attributes, unfortunately, disappear in the following generations as they did not self-select to immigrate and therefore do not have the same preparedness in regard to immigrant-specific difficulties (Marks et al., 2014, p. 61). Whilst the existence of the immigrant paradox for an individual is influenced by their original nationality/culture, many first-generation cohorts indicate better outcomes than their second-(and so on) generation counterparts in areas like health, socioeconomic status, and academic performance. Garcia Coll et al. (2012) claim high academic performance in immigrant children was consistently found in attitudes and behavior at school rather than actual grades and test scores since these are strongly mediated by age, country of origin, and host environment (p. 167). As an example, first- generation students are less likely to display negative school behaviors, spend more on homework and assignments, and report positive feelings in regard to their school. On the other hand, second-generation children are more likely to engage in externalizing problems specific to school, like cutting class or dropping out (Garcia Coll et al., 2012, p. 166). 

While higher academic performance is ultimately tied with advanced professional development for any individual, this transition is unique for immigrants and is better tied with the concept of immigrant selectivity. Feliciano (2020) explains immigrants are not a random sample of their home country's population but rather a select group distinguished by attributes and characteristics specific to self-selecting immigrants (i.e., SES, skills, etc.) (p. 323). An attribute of most self-selected immigrants is high educational achievement making educational selectivity a facet of immigrant selectivity in which immigrants are likely to be more highly educated than their counterparts still living in their native country. Recent research has provided suggestive evidence of educational selectivity being linked with labor market outcomes, making immigrants who are more educated than their home-country compatriots have more advantages in finding and securing a job (Feliciano, 2020, p. 323). Feliciano (2020) notes this effect has been most relevant among Black immigrants coming from the West Indies and Africa (p. 324). 

Contrastingly, there has also been a growing amount of research demonstrating the experience of first- and second-generation immigrant students with patterns negatively affecting their life outcomes: developmental, educational, and professional included. This phenomenon has been coined the immigrant risk hypothesis. This concept is fairly recent and better known as the acculturation stress theory. It claims the process of acculturation is cause for the strain individuals experience when navigating their new environment and is suggested to lead to more negative developmental outcomes than their native-born counterparts (Tilley et al., 2021, p. 502). Acculturation can be especially difficult for newcomers if they experience racial/ethnic/ xenophobic discrimination, poverty, and limited English proficiency (LEP). 

As the immigrant paradox research demonstrates higher externalizing problems in second-generation (and so on) immigrants, research on the immigrant risk hypothesis claim that first-generation youth experience more internalizing problems than their native-born counterparts (Tilley et al., 2021, p. 512). Due to acculturative stress, it seems immigrant youth withdraw from others and avoid those from the host culture, consequently causing internalizing behaviors like depression and anxiety. Franco et al. (2018) claim this coping mechanism decreases the potential social support they could receive, which in turn negatively affects outcomes like educational attainment and professional development (p. 286). However, even with social support, Franco et al.’s (2018) research indicates that acculturative stress alone can decrease potential professional outcomes since having to adapt to a new culture can make it hard to set educational expectations and engage in career planning (p. 286).  

Part II: Labor-Market Factors Affecting Immigrant Children’s Workforce Experience

Professional outcomes vary strongly among immigrants; certain populations do exceptionally well in their host country while others are hindered from social mobility. There are realities specific to immigrants that influence their career prospects. While generational identity marker does play a role in professional achievement, as demonstrated by the immigrant paradox and immigrant risk hypothesis, it seems that an individual’s country of origin and race/ethnicity plays a much more significant role when in the labor market.

Conversely, Feliciano (2020) claimed immigrants who do not do well after immigrating to the United States are usually from South America or Africa and suggests it’s likely due to the fact that they lack educational degrees and other certifications. In support of this, Figure 1 demonstrates they collectively account for only 26% of college-educated immigrants while accounting for about 53% of the total immigration population (Ward & Batalova, 2023). This is essentially because immigrants from these geographical areas do not experience immigrant/ educational selectivity since their migration is more often due to political and economic instability rather than enticing professional prospects (Ward & Batalova, 2023).

A unique example is the acculturation of Nigerian Americans who extrinsically tie their cultural identities with educational achievement, unlike Black immigrants who are not usually college-educated. This has made them much more likely to be in the workforce than their counterparts and even the general U.S. population, though this was found to be most relevant for first- and second-generation Nigerians (Migration Policy Institute, 2015). These conclusions contradict the common idea that educational attainment is higher in following generations as the disadvantages first-generation immigrants experience lower/disappear. While this concept has been consistently demonstrated in the literature, there remains unexplained variance in labor market outcomes between ethnic and native groups, even after accounting for social origin, human capital, and generational status (Gabrielli & Impicciatore, 2022, p. 2312). This implies there are certain disadvantages that are getting passed down regardless of social mobility and assimilation into American culture. Research done by Gabrielli and Impicciatore (2022) suggests the variance can be attributed to the existing ethnic/racial discrimination and societal barriers that hinder workforce integration and optimal labor market outcomes for these minorities (p. 2311). When individuals are unable to be hired due to their ethnic, racial, or religious identities, they experience what has been coined as an ethnic penalty. Unsurprisingly, this practice causes immigrants to have lower chances of optimal career development than their native counterparts, decreasing potential social mobility for a single individual as well as for a family (Avola & Piccitto, 2020). 

Discussion: Immigration Patterns and Labor-Market Factors in Immigrants’ Outcomes

Regardless of whether immigrants are more likely to experience benefits or hindrances due to their immigration, it is crucial for host countries to offer them fair and equal opportunities, both educationally and professionally, as they are vital to the US economy. 

During the COVID-19 pandemic, non-college-educated immigrants were considered the backbone of the “essential” farmworkers as well as other “essential” jobs. According to Congressman Beyer’s report, there were 65% of native-borns in the American labor market were considered “essential,” while 74% of undocumented immigrants and 69% of documented immigrants were in “essential” job categories (Beyer, 2021). These families are at high risk of poverty and low educational selectivity, so it is critical for the American government and school districts to protect their children from the immigrant risk hypothesis by making their cultural transition into school smoother and providing social support.

Conclusion

Upon investigation of the advantages and disadvantages immigrants may experience within the educational system as well as the labor market, it is revealed many variables mediate and moderate the developmental outcomes of immigrant children. However, some identity markers were studied to have more influence. While country of origin and host environment may mediate educational outcome, generational status has been indicated as moderating the forces immigrant children feel within the school context, whether that be the immigrant paradox or the immigrant risk hypothesis. As for the labor market, country of origin places a mediating role in whether immigrants experience the effects of immigrant selectivity, which affects professional development. Ethnic penalties, defined as the ethnic/racial discrimination occurring in the workplace, have also been studied to explain the variance in professional outcomes between immigrants and natives after accounting for mediators. Having names for phenomena such as the immigrant paradox or immigrant selectivity is a strength in this field of research because the immigration process affects individuals and families very uniquely, and it is important to define patterns noticed. However, research has shown it can be incredibly difficult to know whether these phenomena have a direct influence (causality) on developmental outcomes since there is much at play in the entire migratory context of a person.

References:

Avola, M., & Piccitto, G. (2020). Ethnic penalty and occupational mobility in the Italian labour 

market. Ethnicities, 20(6), 1093–1116. https://doi-org.libproxy.berkeley.edu/10.1177/1468796820909651 

Beyer, D. (2021). Immigrants Are Vital to the U.S. Economy. 

https://www.jec.senate.gov/public/_cache/files/6750b0f0-c851-4fee-9619-295582fd44e8/

immigrants-are-vital-to-the-us-economy-final.pdf 

Feliciano, C. (2020). Immigrant Selectivity Effects on Health, Labor Market, and 

Educational Outcomes. Annual Review of Sociology, 46(1), 315–334. https://doi-org.libproxy.berkeley.edu/10.1146/annurev-soc-121919-054639

Franco, M., Hsiao, Y.-S., Gnilka, P. B., & Ashby, J. S. (2019). Acculturative stress, social 

support, and career outcome expectations among international students. International Journal for Educational and Vocational Guidance, 19(2), 275–291. https://doi-org.libproxy.berkeley.edu/10.1007/s10775-018-9380-7 

Gabrielli, G. & Impicciatore, R. (2022). Breaking down the barriers: educational paths, 

labour market outcomes and wellbeing of children of immigrants. Journal of 

Ethnic and Migration Studies, 48(10), 2305–2323. https://doi-org.libproxy.berkeley.edu/10.1080/1369183X.2021.1935655

García Coll, C., Patton, F., Marks, A. K., Dimitrova, R., Yang, R., Suarez, G. A., & Patrico, A. 

(2012). Understanding the immigrant paradox in youth: Developmental and contextual considerations. In A. S. Masten, K. Liebkind, & D. J. Hernandez (Eds.), Realizing the potential of immigrant youth (pp. 159–180). Cambridge University Press.

https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781139094696.009 

Marks, A. K., Ejesi, K., & García Coll, C. (2014). Understanding the U.S. Immigrant Paradox in 

Childhood and Adolescence. Child Development Perspectives, 8(2), 59–64. https://doi-org.libproxy.berkeley.edu/10.1111/cdep.12071 

Migration Policy Institute. RAD Diaspora Profile: The Nigerian Diaspora in the United States. 

June 2015. https://www.migrationpolicy.org/sites/default/files/publications/RAD-Nigeria.pdf 

Olsen-Medina, K., & Batalova, J. (2020). College-Educated Immigrants in the United 

States. Migration Information Source, September 16, 2020, https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/college-educated-immigrants-united-states 

Tilley, J. L., Huey Jr, S. J., Farver, J. M., Lai, M. H., & Wang, C. X. (2021). The immigrant 

paradox in the problem behaviors of youth in the United States: A meta‐analysis. Child Development, 92(2), 502-516.  https://doi.org/10.1111/cdev.13542 

Ward, N., & Batalova, J. (2023). Frequently Requested Statistics on Immigrants and 

Immigration in the United States. Migration Information Source, March 14, 2023, https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/frequently-requested-statistics-immigrants-and-immigration-united-states 

Photo Credits:

1. Pew Research Center. 2017. The Immigrant Workforce in the US.